Cultural Supression: Abusive Behavior Towards Women and Its Effect on the Spread of Hiv/Aids

Africa is facing a devastating crisis with respect to the assist pestilent, currently accounting for oer 70% of the worlds hu gay immunodeficiency virus-positive population. There atomic number 18, of course, legion(predicate) factors that rebuff the explosive transmission of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus, simply in the tangled sink that is the epidemic in Africa, many of these issues sh ar a common thread. The onerousness of wo custody in Africa bed be considered the virus cultural vector. Fe potent persons argon r boundinalered berthless in African societies, and existing stir activity inequalities be largely responsible for the stretch out of the indisposition. fe antherals separate position in bon ton is intrinsically linked to the domination of wo workforce in their kindreds with men. In order for progress to be made, an examination of gender relations and empowerment for women essential take place. To be successful, aid campaigns mustiness be built on the existing organizational skills of women, but must incorporate men as well. The blatantly skewed distribution of power in African patriarchal societies makes women extremely vulnerable but has dangerous implications for all.To examine the forces that steer the epidemic down its course, the epidemiology of human immunodeficiency virus and back up in Africa must first be considered. More than 80% of all human immunodeficiency virus infections in Africa are acquired through heterointimate give. This statistic is grossly out of oddment with the 13% rate of infection through hetero versed contact in the fall in States. Vertical transmission from mother to child is the second roughly common route for the virus to take in Africa (Essex et al. , 158). These range are generally much higher than in the United States and Europe, where the substance abuse of a medicate called nevirapine has drastically reduced mother-to-child transmission.This disparity is a postulate result of differences in the nations wealth. African nations simply can non afford to provide the drug to infected pregnant women. The cut acrossd transmission of human immunodeficiency virus through colly blood during processes such as blood transfusions is another dismal upshot of poverty and inferior health services in many African countries. This method accounts for the third most important mode of transmission, one that has been or so eradicated in many countries because the technology is available to pr regular(a)t it (Essex et al. 159). Part of what makes the government agency in Africa so devastating is that the primary roads the virus travels in Africa were shut down long ago in other countries. ofttimes of the worlds population already takes many of the roadblocks for granted. The transmission route of heterosexual contact is so heavily traveled in Africa that it demands an examination of sexual behavior. ahead we delve into the workings of intimate relationships, however, t he fine points of gender inequality in the public sphere must be examined.These social conditions spill over into every aspect of life, tainting womens casual and sexual relationships with men. Women are systematically disadvantaged in African social club. Male bias in the structures of society is reflected in day-to-day behavior, embedded in legislation, policy, political and religious ideologies, and cultural conventions (Baylies et al. , 6). Examples of this kink abound. The Civil Code of the Empire of Ethiopia designates the hubby as the head of the family and gives him the potential to administer household property.The husband is given the right to control and fence common property and to make all finiss regarding it. While the Code requires that the husband act judiciously and not alienate property without the consent of his wife, virile traditional and cultural beliefs discourage women from enforcing this requirement (African Region Findings). In Kenya, the character permits the application of customary law to personal matters. The Constitution contains no provender for gender as a basis for non-discrimination and consequently, even gender-biased recitations are held as valid and constitutional.Womens access to frugal resources in Kenya is largely defined by customary laws (African Region Findings). Inheritance is usually along the male business line women do not inherit family property. not only do women prolong less access to income and possess much less wealth than their male counterparts, but they similarly contribute more than hours of labor than men do (Baylies, et. al. , 7). In a village meeting held in rural Lushoto, Tanzania, in 1996, coordinated in response to help, even two of the men generate agreed that women take the heavier burden. A man, if you need him, is al focal points out, an elderly man spoke out, whereas the woman is the one at home, taking care of homework and all other household affairs. . . . We get up in the mornings and go about our business and dont concern ourselves with whether the children give or not, he continued. We diverge it all to mama. We give orders, we are dictators in the home (Baylies et al. , 191). Most of the men, however, did not share his capacity to see the situation in this way. One male maintains, as a man you harbor so many things to understand to, and you rely on her to think of things like soap for washing (Baylies et al. 190). Womens trammel opportunities also translate into reduced access to education.Their lower levels of literacy contribute to their more limited access to information about sexually transmitted diseases and HIV (Baylies et al. , 6). Cultural conventions prevent them from asserting themselves in public, squelching any hope of amend their situation in this way. Since their work is confined to the domestic field, womens labor does not command market value, leaving them dependent on those members of the household who drop dead in the cas h economy (Baylies et al. 7). Economic need often drives women to cypher into prostitution. The selling of sex, many argue, is often the only choice African women have betwixt starvation and survival (Essex et al. , 538). It is the link between womens position in wider society and position in sexual relations that is crucial to perceptiveness their vulnerability to the virus. UNacquired immune deficiency syndrome reported in 1999 that in sub-Saharan Africa 12 or 13 women are infected with the HIV virus for every 10 men (Russell 101). Women have characteristically been viewed as responsible for transmitting the virus.Prostitutes are blamed for spreading HIV to clients, and mothers are blamed for passing it to their children (Essex et al. , 3). Females are thought to have a polluting influence and are treated as vaginas or uteruses, whores or mothers, and vectors or vessels as opposed to people (Essex et al. , 3). quite of regarding women as blameworthy for the severity of the as sist epidemic in Africa, they should be more accurately perceived as occupying a cultural turning point in which they are highly vulnerable to contracting the virus.Since women are laboured to relinquish the drivers seat to males in the public sphere, they certainly have no say in the nature and timing of their sexual activity in the private sphere, leaving the roads HIV travels open to traffic. Intimate relations revolve around the same notions of personhood that operate in the larger society (Baylies, et. al. , 7). The outcomes of these gender ideologies take form as sexual practices. The foundation of these sexual understandings seems to be that women are expected to give but not let pleasure.Sexual norms prescribe relative passivity for egg-producing(prenominal)s, while according sexual decision making to men (Baylies et al. , 7). Tolerance is expected for the greater sexual mobility of men. Female fidelity is usually viewed as necessary while male unfaithfulness is consisten t with the extension of the familial line (Essex et al. , 534). The double standard expectancy is that women go away enter into a marriage as virgins but men will not. In patriarchal, sub-Saharan African cultures, marriage can be defined as a legally and socially sanctioned relationship between a man and a woman deep down which replica takes place (Essex et al. 534). Women are not viewed as people capable of sexual pleasure but as the means by which to achieve an end. That end is the perpetuation of the family line. This prime value on marriage and motherhood presses newborn girls into risky, multiple- mate relationships long before they are psychologically or physically mature. preteen women cannot refuse the sexual demands of older men nor bear the social defacement of being without a husband or children (Essex et al. , 536). Women are ineffective within their relationships and have too little power outside of them to abandon partners that sick them at risk.How, then, do these social and sexual patterns account for the severity of the help epidemic in Africa? Many claim that male privilege is what drives the AIDS epidemic, even going so far as to call AIDS a form of mass femicide (Russell 100). Diane Russell bluntly states, Those women who contract HIV/AIDS from their male partners because of their sexist attitudes and behavior, and/or because of their superior power and dominant status, are? when they break-dance? victims of femicide (102). There are many examples of manifestations of male domination that can be fatal for female partners.Male refusal to use condoms is perhaps the most hypercritical of these behaviors. Utilization of condoms is the one factor that would undoubtedly reduce transmission rates drastically. Women are not even allowed to ask, Can we have sex? , so it is even more difficult to bring up condom use (Russell 103). However, if a woman does find the courage to ask her male partner to use a condom, not only will he more or less certainly refuse, he is likely to beat her. Talk to him about donning a rubber sheath and be prepared for accusations, abuse or abandonment, relates Johanna McGeary in TIME magazine.Her article also related the story of a throw in Durban, who, coming home from an AIDS training class, suggested that her husband go down on a condom. He proceeded to grab a pot and jockey on it loudly, attracting all the neighbors. He pointed a knife at her and demanded Where was she between 4 p. m. and now? Why is she suddenly suggesting that? What has changed after 20 old age that she wants a condom? One man, who had already infected his wife with HIV and was developing open herpes sores on his penis, objected to his wifes suggestion of employ condoms, accusatory her of having a boyfriend (Russell 103).Even educated men, aware of the AIDS risk, balk at the suggestion. McGeary heard the same answer come up once more and again That question is nonnegotiable. Several myths account for the l ack of condom use, even when they are distributed for no cost your erection cant grow, free condoms must be too cheap to be safe, condoms fill up with germs, condoms from overseas bring the disease with them, condoms donated by foreign governments have holes in them so that Africans will die (McGeary).Some men simply decide they do not like the way condoms feel, and that is enough to decide the issue. When interviewed, one couple in Kanyama, Zambia, reported using condoms for contraception, but the husband started to complain that they were burning him and was not going to continue using them (Baylies et al. , 98). The established trend is that women must risk infection to ravish men. Women compromise their sexual safety to mens pleasure by even more drastic physical means. Throughout Southern Africa, many women practice dry sex to please their husbands.This involved drying out the vagina with soil involved with baboon urine some use detergents, salts, cotton, or shredded newspape r (Russell 102). Not only is dry sex reportedly very painful for women, it causes vaginal lacerations and suppresses the vaginas natural bacteria, both of which increase the likelihood of contracting the HIV virus when engaging in sex with an infected partner (Russell 103). Since women are already twice as likely to contract HIV from a virtuoso encounter than are men, this is extremely dangerous (McGeary).The decision to function in dry sex can be made for economical reasons as well. The prostitute who dries out her vagina can charge more, 50 or 60 rands ($6. 46 to $7. 75), enough to cave in a childs school fees or to eat for a week (McGeary). This is in contrast to the 20 rands ($2. 84) she might come otherwise. Since male economic privilege plays a major position in forcing women into prostitution, any AIDS deaths resulting from it can be considered femicide. Economic disadvantage for females drives them to act in other dirty deals.Teenage girls especially are easy raven fo r older, wealthier sugar daddies, men who provide notes and goods in exchange for sex (Essex et al. , 536). Sex has been referred to as the currency by which women and girls are expected to pay for lifes opportunities, from a passing grade in school to a calling license (Baylies et al. , 7). Girls as young as ten and eleven in Tanzania have been reported as having sexual relations with men for chips, Coke, money for videos or transport to school (Baylies et al. , 11).Sexual networking has dangerous implications for the spread of HIV, leaving many young women with much more than they bargained for. Yet another expression of male dominance on which the virus thrives is the practice of female genital mutilation. This practice, which has grow in the patriarchal society, is defined by the knowledge base Health makeup as the removal of part or all of the external female genitalia and/or injury to the female genital organs for cultural or other nonthe reaveutic reasons (Russell 104).I t is designed to cater to mens sexual preferences and reward their control over women. The tendency of mutilated genitals to bleed, especially during intercourse, erects women at high risk for contracting the virus, as does the repeated use of the earthy instruments used to perform these operations. The tools are often used on a number of girls on the same occasion (Russell 105). This practice is imposed on millions of girls in Africa. It is an attack not only on their bodies but also on their womanhood, on their personhood, and on their ability to protect themselves from a venomous disease.Tolerance of male promiscuity is a further social construction that strips onward females autonomy with fatal consequences. Men are accepted as sexually voracious by nature. They are like that, and you cant do anything, says one girl in Lushoto (Baylies et al. , 128). Many families economic situations require that husbands are gone for months at a time in order to work, and they are certainl y not expected to abstain from sexual activity during this time. Another Lushoto girl, married to a trader often away in Dar es Salaam, reports that she is afraid of her husband, bedevilment he may infect me (Baylies et al. 128). Her concern is absolutely justified. When a wife suspects that her husband has many partners outside the marriage, she is not entitled to refuse to engage in sex. You are a wife, what can you do? is the sad naturalism for most (Baylies et al. , 128). Marriage is an institution of vulnerability for women in Africa with respect to HIV. In general, it is men who bring HIV into a marriage (Baylies et al. , 11). Women can be infected, not through promiscuous activity on their own part, but as a consequence of being faithful to their husbands.The prevalence of AIDS in Africa also transforms sexual assaulters into murderers. The problem of rape is especially highlighted in South Africa, where a woman is estimated to be five times more likely to be raped than a woman in the United States (Russell 106). It is an extremely rare event that a rape is reported at all 75% are believed to remain unreported (Russell 107). The existence of rape gangs is also a serious problem in South Africa. The term for recreational gang rape is jackrolling, and it is considered a game, not a crime.An abbreviation of gender relations in Africa provides insight into how and why HIV spreads so efficiently. The question now becomes what should be done with this fellowship to generate barroom strategies. It is obvious that women must become more empowered for the epidemic to be slowed with any significance. Russell claims that the first order of business requires educating people about the role played by male domination in the spread of HIV and AIDS, and that policies must then be developed to eliminate manifestations of patriarchy (109).It is clear that education should focus more on gender issues than the need to deflect risky sexual behavior. However, as has be en demonstrated over and over, increased knowledge does not always translate into changed behavior. Baylies and Bujra investigate the potential of womens groups in campaigns of protective covering against HIV in Africa. They also point out that if economic dependency on men is a factor underlying womens vulnerability, greater economic security should serve to empower women. For this to occur, women would require higher levels of education.How men should be involved is another debatable issue. Male behaviors not only put their partners in danger, but themselves as well. Therefore, not only do men bear responsibility in this area, but it would be in their evoke to assist in the process. One thing is clear if the AIDS epidemic is to become any less of a problem in Africa, women will have to be empowered. Though AIDS is certainly a approximately impossible fire to extinguish in any context, the patriarchal society and exploitation of women not only fuels the flames but turns a fire i nto an inferno.For millions of African women, this hell is the reality. Their inferior position in larger society renders them powerless in sexual relations. The manifestation of these social constructions emerges in sexual practices and behavior that not only allow HIV to transmit at frightful rates, but also are blatant violations of basic human rights. When African women are no longer denied these fundamental rights, a decrease in the severity of the epidemic will undoubtedly follow.Works Cited African Region Findings. The World Bank Group, No. 126, January 1999. ttp//www. worldbank. org/afr/findings/english/find126. htm April 29, 2002. Baylies, Carolyn and Janet Burja. AIDS, Sexuality and Gender in Africa. NY Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2000. Essex, Max, Souleymane Mboup, Phyllis J. Kanki, and Mbowa R. Kalengayi, eds. AIDS in Africa. NY Raven Press, 1994. McGeary, Johanna. Death Stalks A Continent. Time Magazine, 2001. http//www. time. com/time/2001/aidsinafrica/cover. hypertext markup language April 29, 2002. Russell, Diane E. H. and Roberta A. Harmes, eds. Femicide in Global Perspective. NY Teachers College Press, 2001.