Conflict and Natural Resources Relationship to Growth

Conflict and Natural Resources Relationship to Growth Is the incidence of Conflict and an abundance of Natural Resources in African States  correlated with Economic Growth? Table of Contents (Jump to) Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Aims and Objectives 1.2 Overview Chapter 2: Literature Review 2.1 The â€Å"Resource Curse† economic theory 2.1.1 The African Link 2.2 The causes of the â€Å"Resource Curse† 2.2.1. The â€Å"crowding out† cause 2.2.2. Quality of institutions 2.2.3. The â€Å"Dutch Disease† model 2.2.4 Other theoretical economic arguments 2.3 Civil war and economic growth 2.4 Natural resources role in Civil war Chapter 3: Influence of natural resources on economic growth 3.1 The cause of â€Å"the resource curse† 3.2 Is â€Å"the recourse curse† relevant to Africa? 3.3 Other influential factors Chapter 4: The role of conflict Chapter 5: Empirical evidence Chapter 6: Conclusion References During the course of the past two or three decades many economists and academics have been endeavouring to discover why a proliferation of natural resources, which is normally considered to be a wealth generating sources often have an adverse effect upon emerging economies, slowing rather than increasing the pace of development (Rodriguez and Sachs 1999, p.277 and Isham et al 2005, p.1). Other studies, concentrating particularly upon emerging nations is areas such as the African continent, have also claimed that there is a link between the proliferation of natural resources and political unrest and conflicts, which manifest themselves in â€Å"civil wars† (DiJohn 2002, p.1). A number of theories have been advanced in an effort to offer an explanation for this phenomenon. These include the â€Å"resource curse† theoretic model promoted by Gelb (1988) and Sachs and Warner (1997); the â€Å"rent-seeking† and â€Å"Dutch Disease† models referred to in research carried out by Torvik (2001 and 2002) and DiJohn (2002), whilst others link the causes more directly to the institutions and political conditions pertaining to the individual nation (Mehlum et al 2005 and Isham et al 2005). However, other researches have suggested that such models should be treated with caution. For example, Stijins (2005, p.3), suggest that earlier â€Å"resource curse† models have limitations, and this view is echoed in the works of Rosser (2007, p.39) and others. There have been similar divisions across the academic divide regarding the link between the level and treatment of natural resources and the propensity for civil unrest and violence, which culminates in most cases in civil wars. Whilst many observers view the cause of this unrest as being linked to natural resources and the political environment (Keen 2005, p.12) and the â€Å"difference in quality of institutions† (Mehlum et al 2005, p.3), others, including Rosser (2007, p.40), suggest that the level of strategic importance of the location of the individual nation may also be a determining factor, if not in the causality of civil war then in its potential longevity and likelihood of its reoccurrence. In addition, as Collier (2003, p.6), the globally perception held in many areas, that â€Å"nothing can be done† to end such disputes, add to the problem. The divergence of views and research results indicated previously does raise questions regarding the efficiency and effectiveness of any action that may be taken to resolve the issues outlined, either within an individual nation or when addressing a specific geographical area. For example, whilst addressing the â€Å"resource curse† or â€Å"Dutch disease† may have some positive impact on the economic growth and development in emerging economies, it could follow that without a simultaneous response to address the issue of political structure, institutions and civil war, such benefits would be negated by other influences. 1.1 Aims and Objectives The intention of this paper is to evaluate whether there is a common denominator that can be found to link the entire multitude of research together into one cohesive argument. Using the African states as a basis for this research it is felt that the conclusion of the paper could add to the continuing research into finding a unique theoretical model that will provide a format for improving the economic growth and development of poorer nations, particularly those that have not been seen to have gained economic growth and development benefits from their natural resource levels and capabilities. Thus, to identify a fundamental aim for this paper, it is considered that the conclusion of the study will be intended to seek an answer to the following question: â€Å"Is the incidence of Conflict and an abundance of Natural Resources in African States correlated with Economic Growth?† Furthermore, in order to provide a structure that will assist with the achievement of a conclusion to this conundrum, the author has set four main objectives for the research, which in concise terms can be identified as: Providing an assessment the relationship between a country’s economic growth and its dependence upon the export of natural resource products. Evaluating the claim that there is a link between civil war and economic growth and seek to distinguish the key elements that pertain to that link, which might include institutional and political performance. Assessing the level of probability of civil war resulting from a nations dependence upon natural resources. Reviewing the impact of strategic location, or lack of, and the potential influence this has upon internal conflict that might exist within the development process of an individual national or regional economy. 1.2 Overview For ease of reference the paper has been organised in the following manner. Following on from this introduction, in chapter two a critical review of recent theoretical literature relating to the subject being studied will be conducted. This will include an overview of the theories relating to natural resource impact and dependency, the relationship between civil war, natural resources and economic growth and other arguments that have been expounded upon in recent literature. Chapter three includes a discussion on the influence that natural resources has economic growth and political unrest and this is followed in chapter four by a more detailed analysis of the role of that conflict plays economic performance of nations who have these resources. In chapter six we provide and analyse the empirical evidence as it relates to the nations of Africa. This structure will enable us to reach a conclusion in chapter sever regarding the question set for the study (see page 5). A bibliography of sources and appropriate appendicles follow the conclusion of the research. As stated in introduction to this research, there has been a considerable amount of research carried out in regards to the influence that a wealth of natural resources has upon the economic growth of the poorer and emerging countries, as well as the relationship this has upon civil war and political unrest or imbalance. Within this review it is intended to focus upon the main economic and conflict theories that have been developed and discussed in recent decades. 2.1 The â€Å"Resource Curse† economic theory It is the negative or reduced economic growth patterns that have been experienced by nations that have significant natural resources, which has given rise to the term â€Å"resource curse,† and which has given rise to a considerable amount of literature and research since the late 1980’s, amongst the foremost of which is that conducted by Gelb (1988), Sachs and Warner (1997), Rodriguez and Sachs (1999) and Sala-i-Martin, and Subramanian, (2003, p.833), although there has been a proliferation of other works. The starting point and motivation for much, if not all of the research and literature relating to the â€Å"resource curse†, resulted from the significant difference that had been found to exist between the real economic growth performance of manufacturing and natural resource exporting countries over the years, as measured by the movement of GDP[1]. One of the latest examples of an analysis of this differential can be found in the review carried out for the World Bank by Isham et al (2005), which compared growth rates over a 40-year period (see figure 1). When converted into graphical format (see figure 2), the extent of the deceleration of national resource exporters and the differential between these and manufacture becomes more obviously apparent. As can be seen from the analysis (figure 1) in the first half of the period, when natural resources were being discovered and exploited, the GDP gap between these exporting nations and the manufactures exporters was more than halved, in fact in some periods the growth rate for natural resource rich countries was outperforming other areas (Le Billon 2005, p.13). But this improvement saw a dramatic reversal between 1975 and 1997. This performance has been directly linked to the movement of the natural resource revenue in other research, for example that conducted by Rodriguez and Sach (1999), where a similar pattern is revealed to be linked to the production of petroleum (see figure 3). However, taking the period in its entirety, as the figures and graph show, whilst the GDP for those countries that did not have a significant level of natural resources (the manufacturing exporters) grew by 1.02 %, even the best performing growth rates for natural resources elements, being diffuse at -0.43%, reveals a growth rate gap of 1.45%. At the extreme end of the scale according the Isham et al (2005, p.12) that gap exceeds 3.5%, which explains why when taken as a whole the differential between the two types of exporters increases to 3% by the end of the period being studied. 2.1.1 The African Link The majority of the research that has explored the â€Å"resource curse† has determined that this phenomenon has been particularly noticeable in the case of poorer and developing nations where, despite their high levels of natural resource and reserves, growth levels have been low or even regressed, in stark contrast to the performance of other nations that do not have the luxury of natural resources (Rodriguez and Sachs 1999, p.277 and Sach and Warner 2001, p.828). For example, Mehlum et al’s (2005) research concludes that many African countries with such resource levels have been afflicted by the curse, particularly those in the Sub-Saharan regions, which include Nigeria, Zambia, Sierra Leone and Angola. In support of the link between the â€Å"resource curse† and the African nations, researchers have used data from a variety of sources as evidence to support their hypotheses, most of which is based upon the analysis of GDP. For example, using a similar period to Isham et al (2005) (see figure 1 on page 8), the World Bank â€Å"World Development Indicators† show that, although rich in resources to a similar if not better level than other developing countries, the Sub-Saharan regions of Africa have fared much worse than others (see figure 4), Similarly, long-term patterns, dating back nearly two centuries (see figure 5), are used to support the fact that the curse is caused by factors outside of the possession of the resource itself. 2.2 The causes of the â€Å"Resource Curse† In investigating the cause of the â€Å"resource curse,† current literature has a divergence of views relating to the economic, political and other elements that conspire to create this environment. Various researchers have identified a number of different factors as being the root causes of, or significant contributory reasons for the â€Å"resource curse.† 2.2.1. The â€Å"crowding out† cause Of the most widely cited research, which includes the studies of being Sachs and Warner (2001) and Gelb (1998), describe the main issue as a effectively being a â€Å"crowding out† situation, whereby the concentration upon the natural resource has led to a situation where other exportable resources, such as manufacturing and production exports, which are considered to be important elements in a nations economic growth process, are at worst effectively neglected, or at best considered to be of reduced importance. This theory is supported by other research. Torvik (2002, p.455-456) acknowledges that this â€Å"crowding out† theory works on the premise that â€Å"an increased amount of natural resources then lowers productivity in all [other] sectors† of the economy. One popular variation of this model that has been developed is known as the â€Å"Rentier† state model (Torvik 2002, p.455). Torvik (2002, p.456) explains that in this case the negative impact on growth is generated by the fact that as powerful groups are attracted to the natural resource, they create an overcrowding within the natural resource sector, which again has the effect of contributing to the lowering growth rates. Sachs and Warner (2001, p.833) suggest that the major elements of â€Å"crowding out† are the fact that perceived and actual increase in wealth generated from the resource increases demand and leads to higher prices throughout the economy, thus making manufacturing less competitive, particular in respect of international trade. In addition (Ibid, p.835) the research also suggests that another contributory factor is the loss of â€Å"knowledge† available to manufacturing and other sectors caused by the profit attraction of the natural resource sector, which adds to the diminishing of the competitiveness of these sectors. Innovative entrepreneurs will be attracted to take their resources away from production and into the natural resource sectors, which offers them a higher level of profit and return at a relatively lower costs. In comparison therefore, the manufacturing areas are seen to be unproductive (Mehlum 2005, p.5), which is bad for economic growth. This explanatio n concurs with the results of Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian (2003, p.15 and Le Billon, 2005, p.5), which indicates that the movement of labour away from agriculture to natural resources has contributed to a near halving of this sectors share of GDP in many countries, as evidence in Nigeria. 2.2.2. Quality of institutions Other research, in dissimilarity to the popularity of the popular Sach and Warner view (Mehlum et al 2005, p.5), promotes the theory that the causes of â€Å"natural resource curse† are more closely related to the political and institutional failure to deal with the revenue, or â€Å"Windfall Gains† as Dalgaard and Olsson (2006, p.1) and others describe them. Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian (2003, p.8) findings in a study of the economic growth situation in Nigeria suggest that natural resources are â€Å"detrimental to institutional quality.† However, their research does find that this adverse effect of institutions appears to be more significant with oils and minerals than other natural resources and that once there is control within these institutions, the negativity impact ceases (Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian 2003, p.12), a view that Isham et al (2005, p.21) takes further by suggesting that the type of resource will â€Å"play a large role in shaping what kin ds of institutional forms exist and persist.† An efficient, effective or strong institution or government can be modeled largely on the western demographic models, where this is a large degree of interaction and connection between the political forces and the citizens, with transparency and accountability being an integral part of the institutions structure (Moore 2004, p.313). Similarly, in cases where strong institutions exist, he likelihood is that the natural resource will be owned by the people, (albeit it through shares in corporations), rather than the state itself. The only connection between state and resource will be through the taxes that it levies on the commercial profits made from that resource. Weak institutions tend to be less democratic, in some cases being controlled by dictators and military juntas that pay little heed to the needs of the citizen, preferring simply to concerns themselves with the needs of their power and personal wealth. Mehlum (2006, p.5) studies also confirm the institutional quality as being an important influence, in this respect leading to their conclusions that the â€Å"resource curse† is more prevalent in countries that have weak or poor quality of institutions, being those that are undermined by ethnic or non-democratic processes (Le Billon 2005, p.24). They describe these weak institutions as being â€Å"grabber friendly† A survey carried out during the course of their research found that out of 87 countries examined, only 15 were considered to have level and quality of institutions necessary to be effective in avoiding the affects or the curse. As with the earlier discussion on GDP, Isham et al (2005, p.13), again provides us with data support of the institutional influence (see figure 3). If we look at the top half of this list, which represents the elements of weak institutions, we see that whilst manufacture exporters still achieve a growth pattern, albeit small, resource exporters are afflicted with negative growth. Conversely, with the stronger elements of institutions in place, the natural â€Å"resource curse† is not apparent, with the resource exporters showing all the signs of reasonable levels of economic growth. Whilst agreeing with the principle that, particularly in Africa, institutions and the political structures are weak and therefore at risk from the â€Å"resource curse,† Dalgaard and Olsson (2006, p.4) add another element to the discussion, claiming the â€Å"windfall† element of the resource rent, added together with the level of Aid the country receives, exacerbate the problem of â€Å"resource curse.† Likening the resource windfalls to a lottery win Dalgaard and Olsson suggest that, faced with this relatively sudden new found source of wealth, the institutions are not sufficiently experienced in being able to administer it effectively and this produced a negative effect in institutional areas such as the rule of law and levels of corruption (Dalgaard and Olsson 2006, p.25). This is evidenced by the fact that â€Å"An IMF report on Angola, for example, suggests that close to $1 billion disappeared from the state coffers in 2001 alone, due to corruption, while fiscal discrepancies over the previous several years represented between 2 and 23% of the country’s GDP† Ross, 2003, p.9). 2.2.3. The â€Å"Dutch Disease† model To the extent that the â€Å"Dutch Disease† model relates to the potential for a reversal of industrialisation Sach and Warner (2001) favour the â€Å"Dutch Disease† model, although they do not support the element of this argument that suggest an increase in workers wages in all areas of the economy (Sach and Warner 2001, p.836). As the term indicates, the â€Å"Dutch Disease† theory was based upon the events experienced by the Netherlands following the discovery of natural â€Å"gas† resources within the country’s national waters in the mid 1950’s (Gylfason 2001, p.2). The elements of this theory rest upon three main areas. Firstly, the fact that the upward movement of the currency for a particular country following the discovery of resources exacerbates the manufacturing and servicing sectors, in that it reduces their price competitiveness (Gylfason 2001, p.2 and Sach and Warner 2001, p..834). As Torvik (2002, p.2) indicates, because it is because â€Å"changes in the composition of production that determines the level or the growth rate of productivity,† that the upward movement of currency prices has such a negative impact on internal production and welfare. Secondly, historically is has been noted that the global prices of resource materials is subject to a high level of fluctuation, which is caused by changes in the stocks, both in the resource rich country and other areas of the world (Gyflason 2001, p.3) For example, in the case of Norway, if other gas resource rich nations run out of supplies, the Norwegian resource will increase in value. Finally, the combination of the two previous elements causes financial exchange rate instability (Sach and Warner 1997 p.358 and Gyflason 2001, p.4). Gfylason suggests that this has an adverse effect on other areas such as foreign investment. Nevertheless, irrespective of these factors, in the case of Norway, their effect was limited and this is an element that Gylfason concentrated his efforts on discovering why this country’s economic performance did not perform in the same adverse way that other â€Å"OPEC† countries experienced as a result of the discovery of natural resources, which included nations located in Africa, nor did it have the same longer term effect. The discovered differential relied upon two main elements. Firstly, that Norway had been a developed nation for some years prior to the discovery and, secondly, as a result of the development position financial, social and political institutions in Norway were more â€Å"mature† (Gylfason 2001, p.10), therefore more likely to be able to avoid the adverse effects of the â€Å"resource curse,† which was not the case with other OPEC countries. These results reinforced the conclusion of other researchers in regards to two areas, these being that there is a relationship between â€Å"weak institutions† and the curse of natural resources and that the negative elements of the â€Å"Dutch disease† is essentially only a major issue for such institutions. 2.2.4  Other theoretical economic arguments Recently, economists and observers have sought to further clarify the theoretical argument relating to the â€Å"curse† of national resources by looking at other potential theoretical arguments, which would both support and potentially extend the existing literature on the subject of the â€Å"resource curse.† For example, Dalgaard and Olsson’s (2006, p.25) research indicated that there might be a connection between foreign aid and the resource curse, particularly in African nations that are the recipients of such aid. Whilst stopping short of agreeing with Burnside and Dollar’s (Quoted in Dalgaard and Olsson 2006, p.13) conclusion on this subject, this being the â€Å"aid only stimulated growth if accompanied by sufficiently sound macro-economic policies: e.g. low inflation and budget balance,† it was felt that further research into the systems and processes used for the distribution of aid was needed, as the likelihood of a connection with the eco nomic performance of a recipient nation could not be discounted. Another argument that has been put forward as elements of cause for the â€Å"resource† curse is the impact of an individual nation’s culture and geographic position. Dalgaard and Olsson (2006, p.19 and 20) believe that these issues should not be discounted. They point out that culture has been found to have a direct link to the level of corruption that exists within a nations political institution. In terms of geographical position, Dalgaard and Olsson’s study promote two arguments to support this being a classed as a source. The first of these is related to size, where it is argued that the greater the size of the country, the more extensive will be its institutions and, therefore, if the culture has a high corruption level, this will be increased (Dalgaard and Olson, 2006, p.19). Secondly, there is a potential for a historical link between geographical and institutions (Dalgaard and Ollsson 2006, p.14). In this case, the study sets the case for arguing that, because of the problems associated with areas such as the tropics, which includes high mortality rates and tropical climates, the early influence of Western institutional structure did not expand into these areas of the world as they had in others. As an example, they cite the colonial spread, which was not as widespread in the African continent as it was in places like India. Thus, this element of the theory is based upon the fact that those countries who had a foundation of good western institutions being better able to escape the â€Å"resource curse.† Phenomenon. However, other researchers do not agree with this scenario. Sach and Warner (2001, p.2 and 3) argue that using these determinates within the resource curse studies would lead to anomalies id data, with some countries appearing to be â €Å"high-natural resource† economies simply as a result of the inadequate or negative performance of other area of their economies, and visa-versa. In this regard they hold that â€Å"geography and climate variables do not eliminate the natural resource variable.† Sach and Warner 1999, p.5). Finally, but not totally unconnected with other arguments, is the argument relating to the problem of managing sudden excess. Referred to within Dalgaard and Olsson (2006, p.1) as the ineptitude of institutions at managing â€Å"windfall gains,† other reason it is the false perception of security that accompanies natural resources, which effectively provide â€Å"people with a false sense of security and lead governments to lose sight of the need for good and growth-friendly economic management, including free trade, bureaucratic efficiency, and institutional quality† (Gylfason 2001, p.7). Taking a slightly different tangent, although with a similar vein, Rodriguez and Sach (1999, p. 278), define that these countries are effectively â€Å"living beyond their means.† The view here is that resource rich countries are consuming the revenue from this resource without taking into account the fact that, unlike other areas of production, the stock of these resources can not be produced or expanded as quickly, therefore creating an increasing gap between revenue and expenditure, which eventually lead to a situation where the nation will reach a point where future revenue may have to be mortgaged to meet current expenditure. In summary, perhaps Gyflason (2001, p.8) puts it succinctly when he states that, irrespective of which argument one supports or how the individual may qualify it in academic terms, the core agreement is that â€Å"an abundance of natural capital may erode or reduce the quality of social, human, and physical capital, and thus stand in the way of rapid economic growth.† 2.3 Civil war and economic growth Irrespective of the divergence of views expressed within the literature outline in the previous sections of this chapter, one area that almost all are agreed upon is that in addition to the lack of economic growth resulting from the â€Å"resource curse,† this growth can also be adversely affected by the political stability of the nation, particularly where conflict and civil war is involved. The common definition of civil war is that conflict which leads to one thousand deaths or more. Similarly, the popular western perception is that the causes of such conflicts are caused by racial or religious tensions (Collier 2000, p.95-96). Whilst this may be true in terms of the sides taken in internal power struggles (Keen 2000, p.24), in most cases these are fuelled by a struggle to control resources. To this extent there is an economic element (Keen 2000, p.22 and Berdel and Malone 2000, p.28). Mehlum (2003, p.275) and Keen (2000, p.29) reinforce this viewpoint with the findings that those involved with these conflicts include elements from all aspects of society, such as rebels, military, political and commercial factions. In other words, particularly in countries with weak political controls â€Å"a war may be seen as continuation of economics by other means† (Keen 2000, p.22) rather than a simple clash of ideologies. Methlum et al (2005, p.6) confirm this argument, showing that in a country that have institutions and governments deemed to be weak, which is the case in many African states, this results in a situation where â€Å"the government is unable to provide basic security.† They conclude that such a situation creates an environment that fuels an increase in violence and civil wars, with control of natural resources being the main success target of the conflict and, ironically, used to finance many of these activities. Providing evidence of this in his study relating to the phenomenon of conflict diamonds, Olsson (2004, p.3) states that in countries with rich resources and weak institutions, natural resources can often lead to a triangular conflict environment of â€Å"a ruler (the prey) in control of a flow of natural resource rents, and a rebel (the predator) who might choose to prey on the ruler’s natural resource,† with the ordinary person in between these, that can create an adverse economic effect. Because the rebel wants to appropriate the natural resources, this forces the ruler to invest resources in defence, thus lessening the resources available for production and reducing the potential for economic growth. As is indicated later in this same research (Olsson 004, p.14), this situation of fuelling conflict and lining the pockets of dictators is not just limited to diamonds, but extends to a number of other natural resources. Other literature has confirmed the connection between the potential for conflict and economic growth. Rodrigueaz and Sach (1999, p.19) commenting upon the aspect of nations living beyond their means, found that, in the case of Venezuela, this leads to unrest and conflict. Dalgaard and Olsoson (2006, p.8) also identified that the high level of natural resources, when combined with weak government and low productivity in areas of production not related to natural resources, produced a â€Å"higher risk of potential conflict.† Both of these studies concluded that these conflicts served to deepen the adverse effects on economic growth. As Rodrik (1998, p.3) showed in his research, the biggest falls in GDP rates post 1975 occurred in countries that were socially divided and unable to manage conflict and these countries, more often than not, were those with high levels of natural resources (Wagner 2007). Thus it is concluded that civil war can serve to significantly damage economic growth (Rodrik 1998, p.3). 2.4 Natural resources role in Civil war One of the recurrent themes in the literature relating to natural resources, as has been identified within the previous sections, is the impact that natural resources and economics has upon social unrest and conflict. For example, Le Roux’s (2004, p.3) research suggests that as

Health and Safety Program Essay

With the aim to align with the standards set by the OSHA and ensure employee safety and protection, the company has decided to create a (1) formal safety program for employees and (2) reduce workers’ compensation cost. Given such changes, the company shall elaborate on important guidelines and information needed by each employee to actively avail of such incentives. The next section will highlight the coverage of such amenities and benefits Workers’ Compensation and Safety The creation of the workers’ compensation and safety plan seeks to ensure a fair practice among the employers and the employees with the aim of creating compromise between two parties in each ones needs. The following are included in the overall program: 1. Rehabilitation of Injured Employee 2. Insurance Coverage 3. Cost Allocation Workers Compensation Insurance With the formalization of compensation policies, the company will provide insurance to its employees based on the following: a. the company will use self-insurance as its form of option b. the determinant for premium rates shall be computed based on a manual rating and shall be determined by the Manager of Health and Safety Please note that casual employees (part-time) and contractors & subcontractors are not subject to such changes. Coverage of Insurance and Safety Benefits The company will compensate workers and shoulder the expenses of employees who fit in the following categories: (1) Out of Employment Injuries, (2) Injuries during course of employment, (3) temporary disability and (4) permanent disability. With such initiative in mind, the company seeks to extend its arm towards its employees and wishes to assure each one that their welfare is taken care of. For the benefit of the workers and the growth of the company.

Are Americans Eating Themselves to Death

Are Americans eating themselves to death? Obesity has been a bigger and bigger problem in the United States over the past few years. The percentage of overweight American children and teens has more than doubled in the past decade (Greenblatt). There are many reasons that could lead to the increasing percentage of people being obese in American. The U. S. food industry aggressively markets high-fat, high-sugar, super-sized foods. Modern communities encourage driving rather than walking.Physical education is being dropped by schools even as fattening snack foods are welcomed onto campus (Greenblatt). None of these are the healthy ways to go for Americans but what is being promoted in our society. Americans are becoming less active and eating more fast food that is leading to our country becoming one of the most obese countries in the world. On every corner of every city there is a fast food restaurant waiting for the average American to stop by and get a quick meal. No matter what tim e or what day it is there is always a fast food restaurant opened.These places sell greasy, saturated, fatty foods to people for a very low price and a quick delivery which is probably why most Americans thrive on it. Everyday around lunch time the fast food restaurants are loaded with hungry people waiting to get their husky hamburger with all the trimmings, French fries and a soft drink. Few pay attention to a nutrition chart posted near the counter that reveals the combination has up to 1,340 calories — about two-thirds of the calories most adults need in a day (Bettelheim).There is no clear cut reason why many Americans insist on going to these places numerous times a week when they know that it is extremely unhealthy for them, but this is one of the main reasons our country is rapidly becoming such an obese nation. Could another reason for our obesity come from what we sell our students in middle and junior high schools? Sodas are now on sale at 60 percent of middle and high schools nationwide, according to the National Soft Drink Association. There are also vending machines full of junk food that are in mostly all of our schools.Teaching the students to make healthy choices in their daily nutrition/diet and then putting them into a campus full of soft drinks and poor nutritional snacks is being a little hypocritical. Schools have invited soft-drink and fast-food vendors onto campus for a simple reason: money (Greenblatt). Most agree that increasing physical activity in our schools would help solve obesity problems that run through a lot of our children. But with all the large corporations helping schools financially and schools want to ban the â€Å"un-educational† P. E. classes; this probably won’t happen too soon.Some people become so desperate to lose weight that they will do anything it takes just to lose a few pounds like taking diet pills. Diet pills are very risky because not a lot of them get approved by the FDA and they can have serious side effects to them. Many affect the central nervous system and can pose other health risks that don't become apparent until they have been taken over several years (Bettelheim). Taking diet pills is a big risk because even if they work at the beginning, you never know what could happen to you in the long term.Part of the worrying about diet pills are the misuse of them. Some of the medications were originally developed for other medical conditions and now are sold on the black market (Bettelheim). Diet pills are looked down upon by doctors because of the uncertainty of them and the health risks that are being found out about them. Is the fat in the foods we eat really making us gain all the weight or is it the other stuff like carbohydrates and sodium? Doctors have told patients to change their diet from high carb, low fat to high fat, low carb to force your body to burn fat rather than the carbs you eat.Most recently a man named Robert Atkins invented this low carb h igh fat diet trend. The Atkins diet allows people to eat foods high in fat and protein, such as cheese, eggs and meats, limits the intake of certain fruits and vegetables and severely restricts the consumption of certain types of carbohydrates like breads, rice and pasta. A study presented at an American Heart Association conference in November suggested that over a six-month period, people on the Atkins diet lost more weight than a group on a high-carbohydrate diet (Greenblatt).This diet is extremely controversial though because of how unreasonable it is to say someone can eat a bacon cheeseburger without the bun and be on a healthy diet. It may not be the amount of fat in our foods that relates to our obesity; it could just be the amount of carbs and calories that people take in each day. Americans have always been vigorous eaters. The earliest settlers feasted on turkey, bear and venison and learned from Native Americans how to grow potatoes, pumpkins, beans and corn.The typical daily menu was probably the equivalent of several of today's fast-food meals. But most early Americans weren't overweight or obese because they spent their days burning off thousands of calories performing manual labor (Greenblatt). Physical exercise is the most important factor when trying to stay healthy and keeping off the pounds which is probably why people of the older days were so fit. They had to do manual labor for everything they had to do while kids and adults these are becoming lazy because of all the convinces there are in our everyday routine.People want to always point the finger at fast food restaurants and soda companies for promoting unhealthy habits and fatty food/drinks. No doubt all of these factors, and many more, are contributing to the creation of what Kelly Brownell, a noted expert on eating disorders and director of graduate studies at Yale University calls a â€Å"toxic food environment. † People are eating bigger and fattier meals, drinking more sod as and exercising less. There are fewer opportunities for children to play or for adults to strain themselves physically at work.People sit in cars rather than walking and tend to snack pretty heavily when they're sedentary, whether they're watching TV, working at a computer, or trying to kill as many space aliens as their Xbox will allow (Greenblatt). Americans are becoming less active and eating unhealthier which is making our country more obese. Obesity is one of the biggest growing problems for Americans over the past few years becoming the leading cause of death. There are many reasons people think the cause of obesity is becoming so bad like all the fast food places, sodas and junk food being sold to young children, and the kind of diets we are trying to use.All of these are leading contributors but the leading cause of obesity is the amount of exercise people are doing now days. Americans are slowly become less and less active by driving and being chauffeured to any activity they go to. It has gotten so bad that schools are wanting to cut out physical education class and the ones who already have don’t even let the kids out for recess. Obesity is something no one wants to be faced with because of all the health risks that go with it and the way the ideal person should look based off the media.The people themselves are the only one that can be the one to blame because in the end it is self motivation that keeps people from being overweight and they are the ones who have the responsibility staying active being in shape.Work Cited Greenblatt, A. (2003, January 31). Obesity epidemic. CQ Researcher, 13, 73-104. Retrieved September 19, 2010, from CQ Researcher Online, http://library. cqpress. com/cqresearcher/cqresrre2003013100. Bettelheim, A. (1999, January 15). Obesity and health. CQ Researcher, 9, 25-48. Retrieved September 19, 2010, from CQ Researcher Online, http://library. cqpress. com/cqresearcher/cqresrre1999011500.

The Stolen Party Term Paper

The Stolen Party Term Paper The Stolen Party Term Paper The Stolen Party Term PaperWell, the term is coming to the end and your teacher says over again that you have to prepare The Stolen Party term paper. The task seems to be overcomplicated to you, that is why you put it off all the time. But actually, all you need to start working on The Stolen Party term paper is forget about your fear for difficulties and find a good idea. In this article, some catchy ideas to develop in The Stolen Party term paper are presented. So, take advantage of them. In addition, you may surf our blog for free essay samples such as essay term paper on doing business in China and police performance term paper written by professional term paper writers for free!The Stolen Party term paper: Idea #1. Rosauras Dreams and RealityIn The Stolen Party, Rosaura, the main character of the novel, dreams a lot. However, her dreams are shattered by the bitter reality. In order to develop this idea in The Stolen Party term paper, give some examples from the text of how R osauras mother made her come back to earth and damaged the idea of improving herself. The Stolen Party term paper: Idea # 2. A Life Lesson in the StoryIn The Stolen Party, the main character becomes a victim of a class structure that keeps rich people on the top and poor at the bottom of society. Rosaura learns an important and traumatic for her lesson about life. What was the cause of such a deduction of Rosaura? Tell more about it in your The Stolen Party term paper. The Stolen Party term paper: Idea # 3. Pettiness of Wealthy People in the NovelPeople use to say that money spoil them. How does Liliana Heker depict wealthy people in her book The Stolen Party? This is what you have to talk about in The Stolen Party term paper. Why wealthy people are that cynical, petty, and miserable as Heker depicts them in the novel? Express your point of view on it in The Stolen Party term paper. The Stolen Party term paper: Idea # 4. A Two-Class Society in the NovelThis topic does not seem to be difficult as you do not have to make fresh conclusions on the novel and its main idea. All you have to do to write The Stolen Party term paper on this subject is to represent Hekers idea of how society at those times was categorized. Also, in The Stolen Party term paper, try to guess Hekers attitude to such a division.Do not wait until inspiration comes to you. Start writing at least anything, and a good paper will take a shape soon.

Battle of Peebles Farm in the Civil War

Battle of Peebles Farm in the Civil War Battle of Peebles Farm - Conflict Dates:   The Battle of Peebles Farm was fought September 30 to October 2, 1864, during the American Civil War and was part of the large Siege of Petersburg. Battle of Peebles Farm - Armies Commanders: Union Lieutenant General Ulysses S. GrantMajor General George G. MeadeMajor General Gouverneur K. Warren29,800 men Confederate General Robert E. LeeLieutenant General A.P. Hillapprox. 10,000 Battle of Peebles Farm - Background: Advancing against General Robert E. Lees Army of Northern Virginia in May 1864, Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant and Major General George G. Meades Army of the Potomac first engaged the Confederates at the Battle of the Wilderness.  Continuing the fighting through May, Grant and Lee clashed at Spotsylvania Court House, North Anna, and Cold Harbor.  Blocked at Cold Harbor, Grant elected to disengage and marched south to cross the James River with the goal of securing the key railroad center of  Petersburg and isolating Richmond.  Beginning their march on June 12, Grant and Meade crossed the river and began pushing towards Petersburg.  They were aided in this effort by elements of Major General Benjamin F. Butlers Army of the James. While Butlers initial assaults against Petersburg commenced on June 9, they failed to break through the Confederate lines.  Joined by Grant and Meade, subsequent attacks on June 15-18 drove the Confederates back but did not carry the city.  Entrenching opposite the enemy, Union forces began the Siege of Petersburg.  Securing his line on the Appomattox River in the north, Grants trenches extended south towards Jerusalem Plank Road.  Analyzing the situation, the Union leader concluded that the best approach would be to move against the Richmond Petersburg, Weldon, and Southside Railroads which supplied Lees army in Petersburg.  As Union troops attempted to move south and west around Petersburg, they fought several engagements including Jerusalem Plank Road (June 21-23) and Globe Tavern (August 18-21).  Additionally, a frontal assault was made against the Confederate works on July 30 at the Battle of the Crater. Battle of Peebles Farm - The Union Plan: Following the fighting in August, Grant and Meade achieved the goal of severing the Weldon Railroad.  This compelled Confederate reinforcements and supplies to disembark to the south at Stony Creek Station and move up Boydton Plank Road to Petersburg.  In late September, Grant directed Butler to mount an attack against Chaffins Farm and New Market Heights on the north side of the James.  As this offensive moved forward, he intended to push Major General Gouverneur K. Warrens V Corps west towards Boydton Plank Road with assistance on the left from Major General John G. Parkes IX Corps.  Additional support would be provided by a division from Major General Winfield S. Hancocks II Corps and a cavalry division led by Brigadier General David Gregg.  It was hoped that Butlers attack would force Lee to weaken his lines south of Petersburg to reinforce the Richmond defenses. Battle of Peebles Farm - Confederate Preparations: Following the loss of the Weldon Railroad, Lee directed that a new line of fortifications be constructed to the south to protect Boydton Plank Road.  While work on these progressed, a temporary line was built along Squirrel Level Road near Peebles Farm.  On September 29, elements of Butlers army succeeded in penetrating the Confederate line and captured Fort Harrison.  Gravely concerned about its loss, Lee began weakening his right below Petersburg to send forces north to re-take the fort.  As result, dismounted cavalry was posted to the Boydton Plank and Squirrel Level lines while those parts of Lieutenant General A.P. Hills Third Corps that remained south of the river were held back as a mobile reserve to deal with any Union incursions.   Battle of Peebles Farm - Warren Advances: On the morning of September 30, Warren and Parke moved forward.  Reaching the Squirrel Level line near Poplar Spring Church around 1:00 PM, Warren paused before directing Brigadier General Charles Griffins division to attack.  Capturing Fort Archer at the southern end of the Confederate line, Griffins men caused the defenders to break and retreat in a rapid fashion.  Having nearly had his corps badly defeated at Globe Tavern the previous month by Confederate counterattacks, Warren paused and directed his men to connect the newly-won position to the Union lines at Globe Tavern.  As a result, V Corps did not resume their advance until after 3:00 PM. Battle of Peebles Farm - The Tide Turns: Responding to crisis along the Squirrel Level Line, Lee recalled Major General Cadmus Wilcoxs division which had been en route to aid in the fighting at Fort Harrison.  The pause in the Union advance led to a gap emerging between V Corps and Parke on the left.  Increasingly isolated, XI Corps worsened their situation when its right division got ahead of the rest of its line.  While in this exposed position, Parkes men came under heavy attack by Major General Henry Heths division and that of the returning Wilcox.  In the fighting, Colonel John I. Curtins brigade was driven west towards the Boydton Plank Line where a large part of it was captured by Confederate cavalry.  The rest of Parkes men fell back before rallying at the Pegram Farm just north of the Squirrel Level Line. Reinforced by some of Griffins men, IX Corps was able to stabilize its lines and turned back the pursuing enemy.  The next day, Heth resumed attacks against the Union lines but was repulsed with relative ease.  These efforts were supported by Major General Wade Hamptons cavalry division which attempted to get in the Union rear.  Covering Parkes flank, Gregg was able to block Hampton.  On October 2, Brigadier General Gershom Motts II Corps came forward and mounted an assault towards the Boydton Plank Line.  Thought it failed to carry the enemys works, it allowed Union forces to construct fortifications close to the Confederate defenses. Battle of Peebles Farm - Aftermath: Union losses in the fighting at the Battle of Peebles Farm numbered 2,889 killed and wounded while Confederate losses totaled 1,239.  Though not decisive, the fighting saw Grant and Meade continue to push their lines south and west towards the Boydton Plank Road.  Additionally, Butlers efforts north of the James succeeded in capturing part of the Confederate defenses.  Fighting would resume above the river on October 7, while Grant waited until later in the month to attempt another effort south of Petersburg.  This would result in the Battle of Boydton Plank Road which opened on October 27.   Selected Sources National Park Service: Battle of Peebles FarmCWSAC Battle Summaries: Battle of Peebles FarmSiege of Petersburg: Battle of Peebles Farm

Intellectual Property and Patents Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 6000 words

Intellectual Property and Patents - Essay Example The look up table is made by manufacturer by using the Sp O2 values in different sites of healthy subjects. The ratio of 0.5 is equal to 100 percent of SpO2 a ratio of 1 is equal to 82 percent of SpO2 and a ratio of 2 is equal to 0 percent of SpO2. 1 According to [2] the intellectual property of Oximeter lies in its design of low cost, miniature, light weight, ultra low power, intelligent sensors capable of customization. The system design of monitoring health applications finds seamless integration of body activities. While configuring the intelligent sensor the challenge of system designers are considered. This needs the platform featuring a low power micro controller. It consists of low power programmable logic device, a communication interface, and signal conditioning circuit. The combination and integration of the above systems will find application in medical and health needs. The easy customization, runtime reconfiguration and energy efficient computation and communication is needed for medical technology. The intellectual property is result of common platform for multiple physical sensors and a repository of both software procedures with hardware acceleration. The control of alleviation of costs also will come under inte llectual property by following the transition of a new generation of sensors. 2 The intellectual proper... 2. IP Protection According to reference [3], the Patent is needed for IP protection. This can be granted for a device, substance, method, process that is new, inventive and useful to people. After granting the patent the intellectual protection is done by legally enforcing the exclusive right to the owner and grants commercial exploitation. This commercial exploitation resulted in advances in medical technology. In Australia the patents are of two types. Generally the standard patent can give long term protection and control over invention. If the applicant is not that much rich or able to bear the cost, he/she can take the patent for a maximum of 8 years. The protection for new technology will lead to different products in medical technology like different types of Oximeters. The commercial gain in using Oximeters resulted in its advances in technology used in it. When the further research is done and the time of patent is over the information becomes public. The mathematical models and artistic cre ations cannot be patented. The medical technology is not in the list that cannot be patented and this enabled the commercialisation of medical technology. This commercialisation gave more funds for further research. 3 2.1 Prior Art: Cancelled matter in the application file of US patent can come under Prior Act. This can be used as prior act as of the patent and contributes to prior public knowledge. When an abandoned application was previously published, that is disseminated by US Patent and Trademark Office by using electronic media. This can be made available to public and are open to inspection of public by obtaining from the office of patents. This information is available under 37 CFR 1.11 9a) and can be used as prior act under 35 U.S.C 102(a) or 102 (b) as of the

Research Methods Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Research Methods - Coursework Example There are many situations that would drive a researcher to want to conduct a historical research. One of those situations is the urge to understand a certain culture. The full length understanding of a culture (for examples its education or religion) requires that information about the past events of that culture be examined in order to understand its present and even predict what will happen to the future. This is possible and reliable since historical research focuses on patterns that happened in the past therefore making it easier to compare with the current patterns. Understanding of the past of a culture may is also necessary in order to compare it with the history of other cultures. Part 2 Explain the difference between external and internal evidence and give examples of each. Internal evidence in a research is determined by the absence of any confounds and it ensures that the results of the researcher are according to the procedures specified and no deviations have been made. Internal evidence is mostly used to determine causal effects and relationships in a research and this therefore means that it is bound to have many threats to it. External evidence on the other hand describes the amount of supportive information that can be acquired from other sources or other previous research to justify the current research. It can also be defined widely to include the extent the research results can be generalized to other settings other than the one currently the research is on. Part 3 Provide an explanation and an example of the following descriptive research designs: 1. Observation studies: These are done through the researcher just merely observing the subjects of the research and not manipulating them. The researcher then records the observations while they are taking place to avoid missing any details and the analysis will be carried out of the recorded information from the observation. The observation may take place for a long or short time depending on th e research objectives. This is common when dealing with research about animals where there are communication barriers. 2. Correlation research: This is a form of descriptive research design where a relationship is sought and established between the variables in a research. The relationships between the variables (if any) are used to further understand and justify the research design. An example of this type of research is in social research like poverty where there are several variables which seem interrelated. 3. Developmental designs: (there are three different types) These are research designs used to examine human relationships and interaction throughout their development and the time each developmental design takes varies. The first is the cross-sectional design where a researcher researches on different subjects with different characteristics but within a single time period that is usually specified for example researching about different age-related subjects who have the same characteristics. The other is the longitudinal design where the time period for the research is not specified and it involves studying the same subjects over and over again for a long period of time. This is true for example in medical research. Lastly, the third developmental design is the cross- sequential design. In this design, the research subjects are tested on a cross-sectional basis (ensuring the differences in traits) but repeatedly for long